A view from the policy community: a new strategic narrative for Europe?

ABSTRACT

Reflecting on the results presented in articles in this special issue, European leaders should take greater account of external perceptions in crafting the European Union's strategic narrative and guiding its actions. Failure to do so has impaired external policies like the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. Leaders emerging from the Arab uprisings perceived the EU as complicit with their countries’ former anciens régimes and Russian leaders see EU support for democracy and the market economy in former Soviet states as duplicitous and instrusive. Awareness of such perceptions should be filtered into EU decision-making, without validating views that European officials and diplomats consider misleading.     

中小企业外部股权融资难的原因分析

目前,我国中小企业外部股权融资还面临着诸多困难。构建制度环境是缓解中小企业外部股权融资困境的主要途径。     

浅谈企业提高经济效益的途径

提高企业经济效益的途径可分为内、外因两方面:在内部因素中,首先要加强企业的成本管理;其次,从产品的管理入手,提高产品的科技含量、质量和数量,创立良好的企业形象。在外部因素中,企业要适应不同的竞争环境,随时调整自己的营销策略;认真研究有关法律、法规、方针、政策,保持企业经营活动的规范性。     

论挂靠企业民事责任的承担

挂靠行为是我国市场经济中存在的一个严重问题,它侵害了市场交易主体的利益,引发了相当多的纠纷。立法对这一问题没有相关规定,司法实践中有关这一问题的操作十分混乱。本文以诚实信用原则为基点,对如何解决这一问题进行了探讨,并提出了相应的立法建议。     

论邓小平提高人的素质的途径思想

邓小平用内外因相结合的观点来考虑提高人的素质的途径问题,认为提高人的素质是主客观相互作用的结果,不仅需要社会提供必要的条件,还要经过长期艰苦的主观努力。邓小平要求我们既要看到提高人的素质的光明前景,又要看到提高人的素质任务的艰巨性、长期性、复杂性,既要有长远目标,又要分阶段分层次推进。     

我国森林资源产权分析

森林资源产权是产权经济学运用于林业领域里所建立的一个特殊范畴。我国目前的森林资源产权普遍存在着模糊与弱化的现象。本文从这一角度出发 ,对我国森林资源的产权情况进行理论上的分析 ,并试图提出一些改革和构建我国森林资源产权制度的一些可行措施 ,从而从根本上遏止不断恶化的乱砍乱伐现象 ,实现国民经济的可持续发展。     

Administrative reform assistance and democracy promotion: exploring the democratic substance of the EU’s public administration reform principles for the neighbourhood countries

International donors, particularly the European Union (EU), vehemently endorse institution-building and public administration reform (PAR) in their work on democracy support. Still, the linkages between externally sponsored reform and advancement of democratic governance in beneficiary countries constitute a blind spot in our understanding of democratization. This article contributes to examining this relationship by exploring the democratic substance of the EU’s PAR portfolio for the neighbourhood countries. The aim of the article is to focus attention on the PA–democracy interface in the study of democracy promotion by elaborating a conceptual framework for exploring the nature of externally supported administrative reforms and the substantive content of democracy being advanced. By using the OECD/SIGMA’s (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development/Support for Improvement in Governance and Management) PAR framework for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) countries as a case study, this article demonstrates how the EU’s approach to programming PAR accommodates elements from several formats of democratic governance while the conceptualization of the democratic effects of the PAR principles remains vague. The article concludes by highlighting the need for closer examination of the potentials and limits of external PAR strategies in democracy support, and for attuning the EU’s PAR design to its democratic implications.     

对外依存与中国外交的战略自主

改革开放四十年,中国经济得到长足发展,与此同时也带来了对外依存度偏高的风险,而经济上的对外依存与战略自主之间存在密切的相互影响关系。回顾一些大国的对外战略可以看出,相互依存直接影响对外战略,对外依存度过高会导致战略自主性的下降,从而极大缩减战略选项,甚至在一些关键节点不得不诉诸战略冒险。中国的对外依存与战略自主的关系也经历了复杂的演变过程。新中国成立后,中国一度采取"一边倒"的对外政策,在一定程度上影响了战略自主。改革开放之后,中国经济对外部市场、技术和能源的依存度不断上升,也在一定程度上限制了中国对外战略的全面自主发展。因此,中国的大国战略必须在外向与内顾、国际与国内之间保持适当的平衡,更为合理地协调对外依存与战略自主之间的关系,将全面深度改革开放与全方位外交布局紧密联系在一起。唯其如此,中国未来的大国外交才能行稳致远。     

资源依赖分析:党建科学化研究的新视角

资源依赖理论在党建领域中的应用,为党建科学化研究提供了新视角。在党组织与外界环境的复杂互动中,中国共产党找到了一条提高党建科学化水平的新的研究路径。在社会转型期,中国共产党的执政环境发生了深刻变化,党的权力架构、组织结构、思想文化、意识形态以及其它执政资源都发生了一定的转换。中国共产党应顺应国际潮流、国内转型和党内转变的总体环境,进一步提高非权力性权威、巩固组织网络、强化社会整合功能。     

Domestic elites and external actors in post-conflict democratisation: mapping interactions and their impact

Abstract

Following the end of the Cold War, post-conflict democratisation has rarely occurred without a significant international involvement. This contribution argues that an explanation of the outcomes of post-conflict democratisation requires more than an examination of external actors, their mission mandates or their capabilities and deficiencies. In addition, there is a need to study domestic elites, their preferences and motivations, as well as their perceptions of and their reactions to external interference. Moreover, the patterns of external–internal interactions may explain the trajectory of state-building and democracy promotion efforts. These issues deserve more attention from both scholars and practitioners in the fields of peace- and state-building, democracy promotion, regime transition and elite research. Analyses of external actors and domestic elites in post-conflict democratisation should therefore address three principal issues: (1) the identification of relevant domestic elites in externally induced or monitored state-building and democratisation processes, (2) the dynamics of external–domestic interactions and (3) the impact of these interactions on the outcomes of post-conflict democratisation.